Few American presidents arrive in office with the advantages Donald Trump enjoys.
When he takes the oath of office in a few days’ time, The 47th president will have a governing ‘trifecta’, control of the Senate, the House of Representatives and the White House itself.
He will have the popular vote behind him – a straight majority of the American people – even if the raw numbers were less convincing than his emphatic victory in the electoral college.
And, strange as it might seem after such a difficult and divisive campaign, he can call on a generous reserve of good will. Trump’s gift for articulating what ordinary Americans cannot, or dare not, say gives him rare authority.
And yet… If the President-elect’s advantages are substantial, so are the challenges facing him.
Some of the boldest and most popular campaign promises – a straight reduction in grocery prices, mass deportations, a managed reduction in the value of the dollar – will take time to achieve.
Some vaguer aspirations – returning mass-scale car manufacturing to Detroit or coal mining to West Virginia – look frankly unachievable.
Yet if there is one thing that I know Donald Trump is determined to see through in his second term in office, it is reshaping America’s response to the People’s Republic of China and the threat Beijing poses, not just to US interests but the world itself.
Speaking at a Mar-a-Lago press conference, Trump refused to rule out using military force to gain control of the Panama Canal and Greenland.
President Xi of China, a rival superpower which has wrapped its tentacles around the globe.
Quite aside from concern for his legacy – a new and previously unexpected factor in the Trumposphere, but very real – the President-elect knows that America’s place in the world is being steadily eroded.
From control of rare earth minerals to manipulating foreign governments in Africa and Latin America, China’s declared objective is to create a multi-polar world.
It seeks to dismantle Pax Americana and cast its own autocratic shadow over vast parts of the globe. Already, it has had troubling success.
Significant but still emerging nations such as India, Russia and Brazil, now stand alongside China in attempting to break up a post-war consensus which brought such prosperity to the world – not least to American voters.
And this is the context for Trump’s extraordinary comments on why America must regain control over the Panama Canal using military force if necessary. And why it is only right that, in his view at least, the US should be allowed to purchase Greenland from Denmark.
Or perhaps not so extraordinary after all.
Both Greenland and the canal are of huge strategic importance.
Built by America in 1904 to link Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, the Panama Canal is vital for US trade.
Yet like much of Latin America, Panama itself is coming under the increasing influence of China, which has invested heavily in its ports.
The frozen wastes of Greenland meanwhile, are rich with the sort of key minerals mostly controlled by China. It is also a key outpost in the Arctic Ocean and houses an important American air base.
Whether or not the next president chooses to deploy American troops (it seems unlikely), he is making his position clear.
Trump has his eye on Greenland’s strategic location – but also its rich store of minerals.
America built the Panama Canal, but ceded control to Panama in 1978.
America’s Pituffik Space Base – formerly the Thule Air Base – in Greenland.
China has wrapped its tentacles around the planet; now it is time for Washington to push back.
There are signs of Trump’s new priorities behind the scenes, also.
It is striking that he has chosen so many of his new ambassadors personally, a task normally delegated to colleagues lower down the pecking order.
And that he has nominated millionaire friends and MAGA supporters for foreign embassies, ensuring that people in key positions will be directly answerable to him.
Although yet to take office, Trump has lost no time making contact – through friends and intermediaries – with key international players such as Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President of Turkey, and Victor Orban, Prime Minister of Hungary.
It’s significant that both leaders are patriotic nationalists and that both, again like Trump, are anti-globalist in outlook. It will not be lost on Trump that Orban recently tried launching a mission to ‘Make Europe Great Again’.
It is understood that Trump negotiators have even been in touch with representatives from the Iranian regime, which will rightly fear a clampdown on its illegal oil exports to India and China unless it starts cooperating.
Trump is a realist. He knows that Biden’s failed approach to foreign affairs, based on outdated assumptions of complete US supremacy, has been disastrous.
He knows that in today’s world, even America has to engage in diplomacy and he believes, rightly or wrongly, that his own personal qualities will help him do just that.
He even accepts that America needs help from time to time.
Hence the interest in Erdogan and Turkey. Following the astonishing success of the Ankara-backed insurgency in Syria, deposing Assad within a matter of days, Turkey has been left holding the ring in the Middle East.
If Trump wants a swift end to the bloodshed in the region, he needs Erdogan on his side.
The same applies when it comes to ending the war in Ukraine, another immediate objective for the White House.
Erdogan has remained friendly with Putin and it is difficult to imagine any settlement without the his cooperation. As a major supplier of arms and, in particular drones, in the region, Turkey’s influence is huge.
If Trump wants to isolate China from Russian fuel and raw materials, and from the so-called ‘Global South’, he needs to start with the Sino-Russia alliance.
Trump and President Erdogan of Turkey, right, see eye to eye on a number of issues. The two men have been communicating via intermediaries.
Donald Trump Jr., right, poses for a photo as he arrives in Nuuk, Greenland, this week.
But that requires peace in the Middle East and Ukraine.
Victor Orban, meanwhile, has connections of his own and a comparatively pro-Moscow stance, which has proved a thorn in the side of the European Union.
Orban and Hungary have just finished a six-month presidency of the EU council, taking the opportunity in that time to stage a first – and controversial – meeting with Russia’s president Putin since the invasion of Ukraine.
Trump has less chance of immediate success in Latin America, where the leaderships of countries including Brazil and Mexico are rootedly opposed to Washington. But the president elect knows this and is prepared for a longer game.
Those around Trump suggest that he is better prepared than last time around. That, having won the election, he feels justified in doing things his way even if, on many key issues, he knows it will take a while.
When it comes to geopolitics and China, however, he is working to a different and more immediate timescale.
Trump is determined to ensure that Beijing’s so far inexorable rise is brought to a halt – and that the fortunes of America and those who depend upon her, are restored. That the natural world order is reasserted.
This, he hopes, will be his legacy.